The visit by Russian President Vladimir Putin was strategically significant for both countries. Right since the war in Ukraine started, Moscow has been facing Western pressures through sanctions and campaigns to isolate Russia. New Delhi has also been under pressure to condemn Russia on international platforms, reduce its oil purchase from that country and then faced additional US tariffs for buying oil from Russia. At a time when Russia is gaining ground in the war and expanding its control over more territories, the West is left with nothing substantial to contribute to Ukraine except assurances about the international isolation of Russia which has sabotaged Trump’s peace efforts. Thus, for Russia it is not enough to gain in the war, but to demonstrate that beyond the West there is a world that matters.
BRICS, SCO and countries in the Global South have been undeterred so far by the Western position and have shared platforms with Russia. Putin’s visit to New Delhi on 4-5 December 2025 was very significant from this perspective. For India, despite pressures from the West and punitive tariffs, it has been imperative to demonstrate strategic autonomy while not taking sides in the Ukraine-Russia conflict. So far there has been a strategic balancing act: not condemning Russia and talking about peace. Thus, for New Delhi, the visit was not just about oil, nuclear power, labour migration or weapons and fighter planes. These issues were significant and discussions were taken forward. Similarly, the issue of a huge trade deficit that India faces in bilateral trade had to be addressed. The opening of Russian markets to Indian goods and services and the adoption of the Programme for the Development of Strategic Areas of India – Russia Economic Cooperation till 2030 are intended to address the trade disparity.
This year alone, Putin visited China (SCO summit), Tajikistan (CIS summit), Kyrgyzstan (CSTO summit). All these summits were attended by many important non-Western leaders. But this is different and the West has taken note that Putin was not in India for a multilateral summit. He was here to attend the 23rd Bilateral Summit of leaders of Russia and India. The response from the Western world reveals discomfort with the continuing closeness of New Delhi and Moscow.
An op-ed was jointly published on the eve of Putin’s visit by the ambassadors of the United Kingdom, France, and Germany to India. The tone and tenor of the article clearly did not welcome the visit and blamed Russia for escalating the Ukraine crisis. The Ministry of External Affairs expressed strong displeasure, calling the move “very unusual” and “an unacceptable breach of diplomatic norms” to publicly advise India on its relations with a third country. There was a rejoinder from the Russian Ambassador who said that the problem began with the “Western-backed” ouster of the Ukrainian President in 2014. Such negatives apart, the red carpet was rolled out for the visiting Russian leader with traditional Indian dancers on the tarmac, a close hug between the two leaders and the optics of travelling together in the car of the Indian Prime Minister. The events that followed were meant to demonstrate the bonhomie and friendship in the ties.
The visit also enhanced expectations. Some big-ticket announcements like the Su-57 fighter plane or S-400/500 air defence systems were anticipated. But these deals were not signed. Instead, the focus was on trade, investment and expansion of economic relations between the two countries. Defence deals take time and have to be negotiated at a different level. However, Russia has assured India about energy supplies including nuclear reactors and fuel. Labour mobility and visa facilitation are important for both since Russia needs manpower resources and India is looking at more employment opportunities. Cultural and educational exchanges are also important parts of the agreements.
But what may be the most crucial elements of India-Russia relations are infrastructure and transport corridors and market access. From this point, a focus on INSTC (International North-South Transport Corridor) and the Free Trade Agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union, would help. These two alone would enormously expand India’s trade with Russia and some of the CIS countries. In the Joint Statement it was mentioned that “The Leaders appreciated the ongoing intensification of the joint work on a Free Trade Agreement on goods between India and the Eurasian Economic Union covering sectors of mutual interest”. This process has dragged on since 2011-12 and an agreement, inordinately delayed. (Joint Statement following the 23rd India – Russia Annual Summit, MEA, December 05, 2025)
According to the Joint Statement, the two Sides also agreed to “deepen cooperation in building stable and efficient transport corridors, with the focus on expanding logistics links for improving connectivity and enhancing infrastructure capacity to support the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), the Chennai–Vladivostok (Eastern Maritime) Corridor, and the Northern Sea Route. They welcomed the signing of the MoU on the Training of Specialists for Ships Operating in Polar Waters”.
In short, it may seem like there was not much in terms of substance. However, the summit was more successful with regards to diplomatic messaging. But that alone will not be sufficient. As the progress in the peace process gets delayed and Russia acquires more territories, the EU and Washington will try to impede negotiations. Demands would be made on Russia that Moscow has already rejected. In this scenario, both Russia and its partners would be under pressure. The sanctions and tariffs would be further tightened to the detriment of not just Russia, but its partners like India. Thus, both countries need to prepare for the adversities ahead. Their only option is to diversify trade and trading partners outside the West.
The recent visit by Putin was to discuss ways to achieve a long-term sustainable and comprehensive partnership.
The Billion Press
(Dr Ajay Patnaik is a retired Professor, Centre for Russian and Central
Asian Studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University)
