When US President Donald Trump assumed office in January 2025, he did so with a singular, unapologetic objective i.e. to Make America Great Again (MAGA). Unlike many political slogans that fade into rhetoric, Trump has pursued this goal with relentless focus, translating intent into action at an unprecedented pace. The signing of 143 executive orders within his first 100 days was not mere spectacle but a declaration that governance under Trump would be decisive, disruptive, and unencumbered by convention.
At the core of Trump’s domestic agenda lies a fundamental reimagining of American society, not as the world’s largest consumer market, but a resurgent producer of goods, technology, and strategic capability. This ambition has driven his uncompromising stance on immigration, encompassing not only illegal migration but also skilled, educational, and industrial inflows. In Trump’s worldview, immigration long considered America’s strength has become a liability diluting jobs, wages, and national cohesion. Simultaneously, Trump has engaged America’s big technology firms as instruments of national revival. The emphasis has been unmistakable: American products, American services, and American jobs for Americans. The state, capital, and technology are being aligned not in the service of globalisation, but in the pursuit of economic nationalism.
Trump’s approach to national security is equally transformative. The transition from a ‘Department of Defence’ to a ‘Department of War’ mindset signifies a move away from global policing towards targeted, high-impact lethality. Externally, the ‘US security umbrella’ is no longer free. He has questioned the very premise of America’s post-World War II military posture, one that subsidised global security while allies rode free on American power. His intent to reshape the US military reflects his belief that military power must serve national interest, not global benevolence.
Externally, this has translated into blunt demands where allies are expected to pay for the security they receive. Whether it is Europe, Japan, or South Korea, Trump has made it clear that American protection is no longer free. In the Middle East and Africa security guarantees are increasingly linked to quid pro quo arrangements, including access to strategic resources/assets such as rare earth minerals, ports, bases etc. Trump’s so-called ‘hands-off’ approach to regional security paradoxically increases pressure on allies, increasing their vulnerability to adversaries like Russia in Europe, China in South East Asia, and Iran in the Middle East thereby compelling compliance with American policy preferences.
Countries aligned with Russia or China like Venezuela, Cuba, Panama, Iran, North Korea, and those in the BRICS+ bloc (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, UAE) are facing increasing US pressure economically, militarily and politically. Raising the spectre of Russian and Chinese threats to justify the annexation of Greenland, underscores Trump’s readiness to weaponise strategic narratives in pursuit of geopolitical advantage.
These actions reveal a clear method in the apparent madness. Trump is redefining the global order into a stark binary i.e. you are either with America or against it. Tariffs have become tools of coercion, alliances have become transactional, and global institutions have been subordinated to national interest. The cumulative effect is the emergence of a bipolar world, divided not by ideology alone but by economic alignment, security dependence, and strategic loyalty. Neutrality, once viable, is rapidly eroding.
For India, this unfolding reality presents profound challenges. In a rigidly bipolar world, traditional non-alignment is no longer a viable shield. We face a stark choice to either align with one camp or build sufficient comprehensive national power to stand independently. To secure strategic autonomy in this emerging global order, we must act decisively across four critical domains.
On the economic front we must accelerate manufacturing at scale, integrate deeply into global value chains, and reduce critical dependencies especially in semiconductors, rare earth minerals, energy, defence production, and advanced materials. We must leverage our market size to force technology transfers, ensuring that we are a node in the global supply chain that is too vital to be bypassed by either camp. Economic resilience is the foundation of strategic autonomy.
Militarily, indigenous defence production must move from aspiration to execution. Jointness among the defence forces, investment in emerging domains such as cyber, space, and autonomous systems, and credible deterrence across land, sea, air, space, and cyber are non-negotiable. We need to also seek technological sovereignty by controlling our data, digital infrastructure, artificial intelligence, cyber and space-based capabilities. We must treat technology as a strategic asset, not merely a commercial sector.
On the diplomatic arena, we must practise issue-based alignment, without permanent entanglements, leveraging partnerships while preserving decision-making autonomy. While ‘non-alignment’ suggests passivity, ‘multi-alignment’ is active engagement. We must build deep, issue-based coalitions with “middle powers” like France, Japan, and Australia. By creating a network of partners who also fear a bipolar trap, we can lead the way that prevents total global bifurcation.
Trump’s presidency whether viewed as disruption or design has accelerated the transition to a harsher, interest-driven global order. In this world, power respects strength, not sentiment.
For India, the path forward is clear but demanding, be strong enough economically and militarily to avoid being forced into someone else’s camp. In a bipolar world, sovereignty will belong not to the undecided, but to the prepared.
(Brigadier (Retd) Anil John Alfred Pereira is a veteran from Goa, who served the nation with distinction for 32 years.)
