Roque Dias
Margao
For over 25 years, zilla panchayats (ZPs) have functioned as the first rung on the political ladder for many aspiring leaders, offering a launchpad to the legislative assembly. Conceived to strengthen grassroots democracy, these bodies have produced a steady stream of politicians who went on to win assembly seats, some even rising to ministerial positions.
Leaders such as Michael Lobo, Jennifer Monserrate, Jayesh Salgaonkar, Mathany Saldanha, Chandrakant Kavlekar, Subhash Phal Dessai, Wilfred D’Sa, Antonio Vas, Clafasio Dias and Ulhas Tuenkar all trace their political beginnings to the ZPs. Their success was initially celebrated by voters who believed these representatives would carry local concerns into the higher corridors of power.
That expectation, however, has rarely been met. Once inside the Assembly, the grassroots voice often fades.
Zilla panchayats themselves remain structurally weak, burdened with minimal authority, limited functions, inadequate staff and scarce financial resources. As a result, they struggle to respond meaningfully to local needs. This has created a persistent paradox.
While ZPs are projected as key institutions of rural governance, they are deprived of the tools required to perform that role. Instead of pressing for reform, many former ZP members who became legislators appeared to distance themselves from the institution that shaped their political rise, aligning instead with party structures that showed little interest in empowering local bodies.
However, Curtorim MLA Aleixo Reginald Lourenco illustrates this contradiction. The longest-serving ZP member in the state before entering the assembly in 2007, Lourenco has remained in active politics for decades. Despite his familiarity with grassroots administration, his repeated efforts to persuade successive governments to devolve powers and resources to ZPs have met with limited success, which just shows the systemic resistance to decentralisation.
“Had powers and functions been conferred upon ZPs, our effectiveness would have been far greater.
The electorate would have elected many more legislators from the ZP cadre,” a former legislator said, reflecting the frustration of grassroots leaders who feel marginalised once power shifts upwards.
Over the years, several ZP members, including Nelly Rodrigues, Moreno Rebello, Domnic Gaonkar and Rohidas Borkar, contested assembly elections but failed to make the transition. Their experiences reinforce the perception of ZPs as stepping stones rather than empowered institutions, valued more for political grooming than for governance.
The real cost of this imbalance is borne not by politicians but by residents of rural areas, who continue to wait for solutions to everyday issues. Many express dissatisfaction at the gap between their expectations and the outcomes delivered by elected representatives.
Until zilla panchayats are entrusted with genuine authority, resources and accountability, they are likely to remain symbolic platforms rather than effective instruments of local self-governance, falling short of the promise with which they were created.
